Types of Gasoline Engines

Types of Gasoline Engines ABSTRACT Apetrol engine (a.k.a. gasoline engine in  North America) is an  internal combustion engine  with  spark-ignition, designed to run on petrol and similar volatile fuels. It was invented in 1876 in Germany by German inventor  Nicolaus August Otto. Till date most vehicles run on petrol much more than any other fuel i.e. the consumption of petrol is highest among the fuels. We know that the fossil fuels are getting scarce and with the increasing rates of the fuel, there are high concerns regarding the efficiency of the engines that we use. â€Å"The Obama administration has required automakers to nearly double the average fuel economy of new cars and light trucks to 54.5 miles per gallon by 2025 under rules that took effect in 2012. The attention to fuel efficiency, Obama said, has resulted in lower costs, improved air quality and created jobs in the auto industry.†(source:The Guardian) The paper deals with getting a brief idea of the types of gasoline engines (namely 2 stroke and 4 stroke), their working and most importantly will include a study of the factors that affect the fuel efficiency. INTRODUCTION A petrol engine (a.k.a. gasoline engine in  North America) is an  internal combustion engine  with  spark-ignition, designed to run on petrol and similar volatile fuels. Internal combustion engine The combustion of fuel takes place inside the engine cylinder and heat is generated within the cylinder. This heat is added to the air inside the cylinder and thus the pressure of the air is increased tremendously which moves the piston , rotates the crank shaft and thus mechanical work is done Spark ignition engine – a mixture of air and fuel is drawn into the engine cylinder. The spark plug produces a spark and ignites the air- fuel mixture. Such combustion is called constant volume combustion (C.V.C.). Based on its working cycle, it can be divided into :- 1. Four stroke cycle engine When the cycle is completed in two revolutions of the crankshaft, it’s called four stroke cycle engine. 2. Two stroke cycle engine. When the cycle is completed in one revolution of crankshaft, it’s called two stroke cycle engine. WORKING PRINCIPLE OF I.C. ENGINE/ FOUR STROKE CYCLE ENGINE / TWO STROKE CYCLE ENGINE A mixture of fuel with correct amount of air is exploded in an engine cylinder which is closed at one end. As a result of this explosion, heat is released which causes the pressure of the burning gases to increase This pressure forces a tightfitted piston to move down the cylinder which in turn rotates the crankshaft . Power is utilized from the rotating crank shaft to do mechanical work. To obtaincontinuous rotation of the crankshaft ,the used gases are expelled from the cylinder, before the next ignition takes place .Fresh charge of fuel and air are admitted in to the cylinder and the piston moved back to its starting position. The sequences of events taking place in an engine constitute the working cycle of an engine. The sequence of events taking place inside the engine are as follows- 1. Admission of air or air-fuel mixture inside the engine cylinder ( suction ) 2. Compression of the air or air fuel mixture inside the engine (compression) 3. Injection of fuel in compressed air for ignition of the fuel or ignition of air- fuel mixture by an electric spark using a spark plug to produce thermal power inside the cylinder (power ) 4. Removal of all the burnt gases from the cylinder to receive fresh charge (exhaust) Note: Charge means admitting fresh air in to the cylinder or admitting a mixture of air and fuel in to the cylinder in the case of spark ignition engines. FOUR STROKE CYCLE ENGINE In four stroke cycle engines the four events suction, compression, power and exhaust take place inside the engine cylinder. They are completed in four strokes of the piston ( i.e 2 revolutions of the crank shaft). The engine has separate valves for controlling the inlet of charge and outlet of exhaust gases. The opening and closing of the valve is controlled by cams, fitted on camshaft. The camshaft is driven by crankshaft with help of suitable gears or chains. The camshaft runs at half the speed of the crankshaft. The events that take place are 1. Suction stroke 2. Compression stroke 3. Power stroke 4. Exhaust stroke Suction stroke In suction stroke ,the inlet valves open and the piston moves downwards. The exaust valve remains closed and air or mixture of air and fuel is sucked in. Compression stroke In this stroke, both the valves are closed and the piston moves upwards. The charge taken inis compressed by the upward stroke. The mixture is ignited by a spark plug. Power stroke After ignition of fuel, high amount of heat is produced which pushes the piston down. The downward movement of the piston at this point is called power stroke. The connecting rod or pin transmits the power from the piston to the crank shaft and the crank shaft rotates. Both valves remain closed during the power stroke. Exhaust stroke In this stroke the exhaust valve opens and the piston moves upwards, expelling the burnt gases out. The inlet valve remains closed. remains closed . Thus it is found that out of four strokes, there is only one power stroke and three idle strokes in four stroke cycle engine. The power stroke supplies necessary momentum for useful work. TWO STROKE CYCLE ENGINE (PETROL ENGINE) In two stroke cycle engines, all the events i.e., suction, compression, power and exhaust are completed in two strokes of the piston (i.e., one revolution of the crankshaft). There is no valve in this type of engine. The gas movement takes place through holes called ports in the cylinder. The crankcase of the engine is air tight in which the crankshaft rotates. Two stroke cycle Upward stroke of the piston (Suction Compression) When the piston moves upward it covers two of the ports which are the exhaust port and the transfer port, which are normally almost opposite to each other. As a result it traps the charge of air- fuel mixture drawn already into the cylinder. The further upward movement of the piston compresses the charge and uncovers the intake port. Following it fresh mixture is drawn through this port into the crankcase. Just before the end of this stroke, the mixture in the cylinder is ignited by a spark plug and thus, during this stroke both suction and compression events are completed. Downward stroke (Power + Exhaust) The burning of gases increases the pressure and forces down the piston. When the piston moves down, it closes the suction  port, which traps the fresh charge drawn into the crankcase during the previous upward stroke. The further downward movement of the piston uncovers the exhaust port first and then the transfer port. Now fresh charge in the crankcase moves into the cylinder through the transfer port. The burnt out gases are driven out through the exhaust port. Special  shaped piston crown deflect the incoming mixture up around the cylinder so that it can help in driving out the exhaust gases . During the downward stroke of the piston, power and exhaust events are completed. THE COMPARISION (2 STROKE VS 4 STROKE) The 2-stroke engine fires once every revolution, giving it twice the power of a four stroke, which only fires once every other revolution. The 2 stroke has a higher weight to power ratio because it is much lighter than the 4 stroke. It is less expensive because of its simpler design. These qualities make two stroke engines very popular for a variety of uses from dirt bikes, jet skis, mopeds and small outboard motors, to lawn and garden equipment such as mowers, leaf blowers,edgers, hedge trimmers and chain saws. Many 2 strokes are simple engines and lack valves. Thus the timing of the intake and exhaust cannot be made optimal on 2 strokes. While on the other hand ,the timing of intake and exhaust can be controlled using timing gear in 4-stroke engines. As a result they burn less cleaner than the 4 stroke. The 2-stroke engines have faster wear and shorter engine life than a four stroke due to the lack of a dedicated lubricating system .Another thing to consider is that 2 stroke engines have lubricating oil mixed with the fuel because of which it leads to incomplete combustion of the fuel. Which in turn also affect the efficiency and often cause more pollution. The 2 stroke engines also produce higher decibels of noise. Hence it is banned in some places. Thus in a sense 4 stroke engines are more fuel efficient than 2 stroke engines. FACTORS AFFECTING EFFICIENCY Of the total heat energy released by the  gasoline  consumed, about 70-75% is rejected as heat without being turned into useful work ie to the crankshaft.Approx half of this rejected heat is carried away by the exhaust gases, and half passes through the cylinder walls or cylinder head into the engine cooling system, and is passed to the atmosphere via the cooling system radiator. Some of the work generated is also lost as friction, noise, air turbulence, and work used to turn engine equipment and appliances such as  water and oil pumps  and the electrical  generator, leaving only about 25-30% of the energy released by the fuel consumed available to move the vehicle.Thus the available energy needs to be used effectively in order to gain the most out of it. Weight One of the best ways to increase the fuel efficiency of the vehicles is to reduce down the weight. Which means replacing the heavier parts with the lighter ones .This needs to be done without compromising with the safety,performance and consumer preference of the vehicle. The lightest material for the car bodies is carbon fibre.though it comes with a hefty price. It is currently reserved for the very expensive cars and the high end sports car industry. Ten years ago, carbon fibre cost $150 for a pound.Now it costs around $10 a pound. On the other hand steel costs less than a dollar. Replacing the steel components with carbon fibre ones can reduce the car weight by approx 60 percent. This 60 percent reduce in weight would decrese the car’s fuel consumption by 30 percent and would cut the emissions of greenhouse gases by 10-20 percent. Displacement Displacementis the volume of air the engine can consume in a single revolution. It is generally denoted in litres. The more air the engine can move in, the more fuel it can burn. Thus a small compact bike engine will be more efficient than a truck’s engine. Compression ratio Most gasoline (petrol) engines have the compression ratio calculated purely from the geometry of the mechanical parts(geometriccompression ratio). 10:1 (premium fuel) or 9:1 (regular fuel), with some engines reaching a ratio of 12:1 or more. The greater the compression ratio the more efficient is the engine, in principle . Higher compression-ratio conventional engines in principle need gasoline with higher  octane  value .High octane value gives the fuel the tendency to burn nearly instantaneously (known as  detonation or knock) at high compression conditions. Fuel intake The carburetor system is adapted for the fuel intake. The carburetor contains jets that push the gas into the combustion chambers. The amount of fuel that can flow through these jets depends completely on the amount of air that can be pulled into the carburetor . The main issue with obtaining the best performance using a carburetor is that it cant monitor the air to fuel ratio for each individual cylinder. Fuel injection systems on the other hand are becoming more popular for best performance from the engines. The main benefits to using direct injection is that the amount of fuel and air can be perfectly released and then injected into the cylinder according to the engine load conditions. The electronics used in the system will calculate this information and constantly adjust. This type of controlled fuel injection results in a higher power output, greater fuel efficiency and much lower emissions. The main issues is that these systems are sophisticated and will cost much more than a carburetor. In the past years direct injection systems haveincreased the efficiency of the engines equipped with this fueling system up to 35% Oxygen If there is not enough  oxygen  for proper combustion, the fuel will not burn completely and will produce less energy. Relatively, an excessively rich air fuel ratio will increase pollutants from the engine. The fuel burns in three stages. Firstly, the hydrogen burns to form water vapour. Second, carbon burns to carbon monoxide and finally, the carbon monoxide burns to carbon dioxide. This last stage produces most of the power of the engine. If all of the  oxygen  is consumed before this stage, engines power is reduced. To increase the amount of oxygen, we need to increase the air intake. One way is through forced induced intake. A compressor can be added to force a larger charge .This can be done by mechanically driven supercharging or exhaust driven turbo charging. Mechanical Resistance Type of resistance car manufacturers are concerned with, called mechanical resistance, which has more to do with a vehicle’s mechanical components other than the tires. Mechanical resistance is described as the amount of effort it takes to move each individual piece of the vehicle’s drivetrain. The automatic transmissions generate more resistance than their manual counterparts. Mechanical resistance usually accounts for about a 15 percent drop in power from what the engine produces to what actually makes it to the pavement. Which means if an engine produces 100 horsepower, then only about 85 of those horses make it to the ground. An engine has many moving parts that produce  friction. Some of these friction forces remain constant while some of these friction losses increase as engine speed increases, such as piston side forces and connecting bearing forces Synthetic lubricants, light weight materials and tighter manufacturing tolerances can all contribute to less mechanical resistance in a vehicle. Aerodynamics At high speeds, and on exceptionally windy days,air resistance(the forces acted upon a moving object by the air also defined asdrag) has ­ a tremendous effect on the way a car accelerates, handles and achieves fuel mileage. Engineers have developed several ways ofreducing it. For instance, more rounded designs and shapes on the exterior of the vehicle are crafted to channel air in a way so th ­at it flows around the car with the least resistance possible. Some high-performance cars even have parts that move air smoothly across the underside of the car. Many also include aspoileralso known as arear wing to keep the air from lifting the cars wheels and making it unstable at high speeds. CONCLUSION Even after years of its discovery in the 19th century, gasoline (petrol) engines account for the most used engines currently ,much ahead of its diesel counterpart which is evident enough to denote our dependency on petrol. However petrol as we know is a limited resource. the rate at which it replenishes is way much lower than the rate at which we are consuming it .Moreover burning of the fuel causes pollution. Keeping that in mind and following the context of my study, I feel it is a great move by president Obama to order the vehicle industry to double the gross fuel economy of their vehicles by the year 2025

Analysis of Migrants in London

Analysis of Migrants in London The capital of both England and the United Kingdom, throughout the previous two millennia London has proven to be an internationally significant political, cultural and commercial epicentre, particularly with regard to the recent phenomenon of globalisation. The population of London totals approximately seven million residents, the metropolitan area of which includes in excess of twelve million people. Its official formation dates to the first century AD, wherebyLondinium enjoyed the position of the capital of the Roman Empire in the province of Britannia (Anderson, 1996): by the eighteenth century London was considered the largest city in the world and the nucleus of the British Empire. London has long been a magnet for migrants, both domestic andinternational. The capital city has, for centuries, enjoyed a somewhatdelicate relationship with many cultures, religions and faiths, andwith a resident population representative of predominant globalnationalities (Sassen, 2001). In excess of two hundred languages arespoken in the capital, indicative of the importance of the city as anucleus for the immigration of refugees and migrants throughouthistory. The medieval era was a significantly active period for thesettlement of migrants in London, particularly with immigrants fromEurope. Though encouraged by William the Conqueror, in the eleventh andtwelfth centuries, to relocate to England, the Jewish population weresubsequently ejected from the country during the thirteenth century(Montefiore Hyamson, 2001). The majority of the capital’s international trade was controlled andmonopolised by the foreign merchants, themselves immigrants to thecity, and, as in the twentieth century, history has witnessed thedevelopment of specific industries and trades by the skilled foreignmigrants relocating to London. The presence of black minorities in thecity has been felt since the Tudor period, and, though many arrived asfree citizens, the slave trade in Africa consequentially increased theblack population of London significantly following the 1570s (Houston,1996). The metamorphosis of predominant religion in England, followingthe country’s estrangement from the Catholic Church, resulted in themigration of a momentous quantity of persecuted Protestant refugeesfrom the Continent, the majority of which settled in London. Fourcenturies later, the Second World War culminated in the shortage ofcapable workers in the capital, and encouraged the migration of labourto London from Europe: until t he early 1960s, England was active in thecolonies of the West Indies and India, recruiting labour for the worstaffected areas of the United Kingdom. Subsequently, British citizensfrom colonial nations, such as those Cypriot citizens dispossessed bythe invasion of Turkey, have sought refuge in the capital, and the cityremains a sanctuary for foreign citizens living in fear or persecutedby problematic regimes. In addition, and similar to many capitalcities, London attracts many domestic migrants from across the UK, asignificant number of which augment the homeless population of theregion. In the twentieth century, the continual influx of a variety ofcultures, ethnicities and religions has resulted in a capital city thatis extremely diverse, energetic and dynamic (Kymlicka, 1996). London iscurrently one of the most substantial cities, with a total land area of1,584 km2, and is considered the most heavily populated city in Europewith approximately 7.4 million inhabitants and a ratio of approximately4,665 individuals per km2; in the European Union, London is third onlyto Paris and Brussels with regard to population density figures(Kershen, 1997). As such, it is unremarkable, therefore, that a rapidlychanging population structure should affect and impinge upon both theeconomy and housing market. According to recent research conducted bythe Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors, rental costs areincreasingly exponentially as a result of the significantly high demandfor property (HM Treasury and Office of the Deputy Prime Minister,2005). This paper will attempt to review the increase in immigration toLondon, specifically contrast data from two economically and culturallycontrasting boroughs, explicitly Kensington and Lambeth. The paper willalso assess the economic effects of migration to the city, particularlywith regard to the associated increase in rental costs and deficienciesin the housing market. Table 1: Household projections (based on principal projections). Officeof National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migrationestimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Table 2: Household projections (based on 172,000 per annum net migration): regional spread based on regional net overseas inward migration rates. Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Table 3: Household projections (based on 172,000 per annum netmigration): regional spread of increases as per the principal projections. Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (2003) SustainableCommunities: Building for the Future. London, ODPM Table 4: Greater London migration 1991-2001, in thousands. Office of national Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics The arrival the Normans to Britain, and their subsequent invasion, heralded a new era of political, religious and economic migrations to the United Kingdom. The anti-Semitic sentiments throughout the continent encouraged the migration of Jewish merchants and craftsmen to London, though the Jewish communities remained purposefully insular and burial provisions were restricted to a single Jewish cemetery until1177 (Montefiore Hyamson, 2001). The seemingly global opinion of London as a political and religious refuge for the persecuted, the displaced and the dispossessed has continued for a further millennium, and subsequently, the capital has evolved into a multi-cultural,multi-ethnicity amalgamation that appears irresistible to many domestic and foreign migrants into the twenty-first century (Kymlicka, 1996). London’s reputation as a quintessentially global city, considered by some commentators to be the most international city in the world, can trace its history to its relative tolerance towards culturally diverse residents; a phenomenon which was emphasised during the post-colonial migration of British citizens from former Empire nations (Favell,2001). In addition, the latter decades of the twentieth century witnessed remarkable exoduses from the ecumenical labour market, with significant, though largely not quantified, migration into London. To many international observers, London appears to be the zenith of contrariness. Geographically, the city maintains its manufacturing and service industries in the northern and southern regions, with business, financial and retail districts dominating the centre of London (Sassen, 2001). In 2004, the city and its thirty-two boroughs exhibited anestimated 7,421,228 residents giving London the status of the jointmost populated city in Europe (in addition to Moscow) (Wrigley, 2004), however, the accuracy of population data for the capital is perpetually under debate due to its reliance on resident participation in returning official surveys, and subsequent analyses proposed that the population on Census Day totalled a figure approximating 7.3 million inhabitants. Indeed, the governmental estimation of the city’s populace conducted in 2003 suggested that the official figure is approximately 7,387,900 (Office of National Statistics, 2003a). The population of London is directly and significantly affected and altered by both migration and the natural life-events of birth and death. While the birth and death rate of the city has, in recent decades, remained reasonably stable as a result of the deficit infectious disease and significant military conflict (Office for national Statistics, 2005a), the population is continually and incomparably influenced by migratory trends. London exhibits a disproportionately high demographic of citizens within the 20-44 year old age bracket, a feature directly attributable to inbound domestic and foreign migration. Relying on the official 2001 Census alone, migration figures in the 12 month period prior to the research suggest that Greater London favoured comparably with the remainder of the United Kingdom, both possessing an inward migration equating to approximately 12% of the residential population. The Census indicated that Inner London, however, had experienced a markedly higher migrat ory influx, with approximately 17.5% of the population represented. Similarly, migration from abroad totaled approximately 1.2% of the population for outer London, however, this contrasts significantly with the foreign inbound migration statistics for inner London, which approximate 2.5%. It is, however, imperative to appreciate thatimmigration into the United Kingdom is frequently and substantiallychallenged by illegal entry, and, inevitably, any figures relating tomigration from aboard are conceivably underrepresented. (Office ofNational Statistics, 2001: table KS24) Statistics for the United Kingdom indicate a prevalence of females than males in the population, with an average across age brackets of 50.7%(Office for National Statistics, 2005a) and predominantly more females than males in all age brackets post-30 years. London conforms to this trend, with an average proportion of females at 50.6 per cent. However,the profile of London with regard to the demographics of age, and in contrast with the United Kingdom as a whole, indicates that residents in the capital incline towards younger than average age brackets: the mean age for the United Kingdom is approximately 38.9, compared to 36.5for the resident population of London (Office for National Statistics,2005a). From data collated in 2003, the under-7 and 22-43 year old age bracket are significantly overrepresented in London in comparison to the population of the United Kingdom, however, representation in other age brackets from the London data is appreciably lower, with notably fewer people pr esenting in the 12-15 and 49+ age brackets. From the same 2003 data, approximately 35% of the population of the United Kingdom were placed in the 20-44 year old age bracket, comparable to 44per cent from the residential population of London. This bracket is particularly significant as it is responsible for rates of both economic activity and virtually all births. Within the previous decade, available data indicates that net migration into the United Kingdom averaged approximately 166,000 per annum(Office of National Statistics, 2003a; Office of National Statistics,2003b). Furthermore, between 2004 and 2031 the population of the country is estimated to increase by approximately 7.2 million, with 83per cent of this increase allegedly attributable to immigration (Office for National Statistics, 2005b)). These projections suggest that an estimated 1,003,000 new residential structures will be required for the subsequent 17 year period (Lords Hansard, 2004) to contend with this substantial inbound migration, approximating to 59,000 properties per annum. According to the 2001 Census, the population of the UnitedKingdom’s second largest city, Birmingham, is approximately 977,000residents, and therefore, the projected housing requirements of future immigrants alone are monumental. Seventy per cent of recent immigration from aboard has been to L ondon, however, within the past decade an equilibrium has been achieved, with approximately 100,000 domestic residents vacating London, and relocating to other regions in the United Kingdom, as approximately 100,000 migrants arrive. It is virtually impossible to accurately project for population changes due to illegal immigration, and therefore it is realistic to suggest that the net approximation of 172,000 migrants per annum for the subsequent two decades (2001 to 2021) is a minimum figure. However, without accurate statistics governing the immigration of illegal aliens to the United Kingdom, it is impractical to analyse total demographics migratory patterns. For the domestic population, the deficit in accommodation is currently problematic, however, worst-case scenario predictions suggest that a total housing requirement per annum may be closer to 155,000 – a significant shortfall of 35,000 new residences, even after allowance for demolitions and conversions (Council ofMortgage Lenders, 2003)). Appreciating the requirements of the domestic population in addition to migration, the requirement of accommodation per annum will, allegedly, approximate 200,000 new houses (Hamnett,2003). Subsequently, an incr easing in building construction of approximately 66 per cent will be essential to integrate the increased citizenry into the population. The United Kingdom is, fundamentally, grossly unprepared for the current trends in inbound population migration, predominantly the result of considerably inaccurate assumptions involved in demographic predictions during the 1990s (Wrigley, 2004). These predictions suggested that the inward migration per annum from 1999 would approximate 65,000 individuals, however, data collated at the beginning of the twenty-first century indicated that a conservative figure for inbound migration approximated in excess of twice the originally predicted quantity. The government-commissioned Housing Statistics report illustrates the direct correlation between migration and significant alterations of population levels and structure, and calculated that an adjustment of plus or minus 40,000 in inbound migration per annum results in a difference in adult residential population by 2021 of approximately plus or minus 870,000 (Office for National Statistics, 2005b) With the exception of disease and epidemic control, in the twenty-first century the government has negligible control over natural life-events, such as birth and death, however, administration of population changes relating to inbound migrationpatterns are possible, thereby directly influencing the housing requirements of the United Kingdom. Despite the limited projection of65,000 inbound migrants per annum, government estimations suggest that, between 1996 and 2021, approximately 700,000 new households would be created as a result of migration (Office of National Statistics, 2003b) The financial implications of migration and housing are numerous.Currently, the cost of accommodation is unprecedentedly high, particularly for those in lower income brackets, which invariably include labour forces essential to the construction and manufacturing industries. In recent decades the political reaction to this conundrum involved the international recruitment of workers (Angrist and Kugler,2003), however, this has essentially resulted in an impasse: a further increase in the demand for accommodation and encouraging an outward migration of the crucial labour force to other regions of the UnitedKingdom and, thus, necessitating the international recruitment of even more employees. It is plausible to assume that inbound migration into London will continue to increase in the foreseeable future (Office of NationalStatistics, 2005b). Principally, this prediction is a result of the2004 admittance and inclusion of previously Communist nations into the European Union, an event which has the potential to increase in the quantity of legally-issued work permits, thereby encouraging the migration to London of citizens from these new EU member states.Independent estimates suggest that, should this prediction be realised, inbound migration to London may rise by between 20 and 25 per cent,thus further increasing the pressure on the currently inadequate housing market, potentially doubling the requirement for new accommodation from immigration alone from approximately one million new homes to a figure close to two million (Council of Mortgage Lenders,2003). During the previous four decades, however, rates of construction with regard to new houses have significantly diminishe d. Throughout the1960’s, new housing projects attained a pinnacle of approximately350,000 per annum, however, the current rate of house building falls below 150,000; recognising the quantity of annual demolitions, the net quantity of new housing projects corresponds to a figure closer to120,000 (Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2003). Literature reviewThe majority of studies relating to migratory patterns, impact on society and the requirement of associated provisions have been largely undertaken by governmental bodies. However, several independent analyses indicate that the predictions of the government are fundamentally inaccurate due to the substantial error margin incurred via illegal migratory patterns, of both domestic residents and those immigrating from overseas (Dustmann et al., 2005). According to articles published in The Economist, London has absorbed approximately680,000 migrants from overseas without an explicit and visible loss of countryside or heritage areas (Hatton and Tani, 2005). Partially, this is the result of the redevelopment of disused industrial sites with previously scant residential areas, such as the Docklands. However, it must also be appreciated that migration to the city has resulted in an exponential rise in the price of land and property in London, in comparison to the rest of the United Kingdom, encouraging the indigenous population to take advantage of this market boom, sell property and relocate elsewhere. The effects of domestic and international migration on employment and associated finances are potentially underestimated (Hatton and Tani,2005). The relative equilibrium between the influx of migrants and there locating outbound indigenous population may mask, at a local level, the economic and employment-related ramifications of migration, however, its significance to the economy of the entire country remains considerable. An equivalent analysis of the migratory patterns and their associated concerns in the United States by Borjas (2003) indicates that the displacement of an indigenous population is an essential apparatus to encourage the dispersal of the effects of migration, thereby restricting any negative impacts from affecting solitary locations. However, this assessment is contradicted in a similar study conducted by Card (2001). Within the United Kingdom, this issue has been analysed throughout two decades and reported by Hattonand Tani (2005), with a reliance on data accumul ated from eleven regions via the National Health Service Register and the International Passenger Survey. Conclusively, Hatton and Tani suggest that the effects of immigration are diffused beyond the immediately affected region, with an associated flow of migrants between regions; the original settlement of inbound migrants and the subsequent displacement of prior inhabitants (Hatton and Tani, 2005). Unsurprisingly, these effects are not restricted to the tangible and readily visible issues surrounding accommodation, but also impact on regional and national economies, the religious and cultural structure of society, demographics relating to language, and employment. The consequence of migration on both the employment and housing markets involve significantly intensified competition, throughout the region and, eventually, throughout the country (Hatton and Tani, 2005). With a focus on London specifically, current data suggest that approximately forty-five inhabitants are routinely di splaced by the inward migration of one hundred migrants, and, therefore, displacement is particularly concentrated in locations experiencing significant immigration. However, data compiled and analysed by various authors, both academic and governmental, are intrinsically limited by the relevance of the sources used, particularly with regard to the lack of accurate data relating to illegal migration, and therefore many studies are ultimately considered to be statistically insignificant. This is an unfortunate restriction applicable to any study assessing demographics,with a substantial proportion of the potential target population in accessible and virtually invisible. It is, therefore, imperative to acknowledge these limitations and present any such population study as representative only of the visible, official public. The quantity of households in London declined considerably during the1970s, however, this trend has since reversed and the inclination is predicted to increase exponentially. The Greater London Authority estimates that the increase in population, as a result of both natural life events and migration, will occur at a rate unprecedented sinceWorld War Two (Greater London Authority and the Mayor of London, 2001).The change in social profile of the United Kingdom in the latter half of the twentieth century, including the prevalence for divorce and single habitation, inevitably attributed to the increase in population, however, these were not the primary causes. Though natural patterns and growth contributes to a large proportion of the population increase in London, the recent surge in numbers of households in the capital is a direct result of inbound migration. This paper details the accumulation of data from a variety of reports conducted into the examination of the population of Londo n. The majority of these studies demonstrate the significant correlation between migration patterns, accessibility of employment, formation of households, property prices and income levels.When assessing the inbound migration of residents, particularly within specific boroughs, it is virtually obligatory to also examine corresponding local labour markets and the resultant displacement of sections of the population. The state of the housing market and its demand within London is specifically a matter of growth: growth of the population, particularly driven by inward migration, which directly drives the growth and development of households, which, in turn, results in the growth of the housing market and an increased necessity for new properties in the locality. As a result of this demand for available residential properties within London, many residents have cashed in on the remunerative housing market, and subsequently investments in housing have yielded considerable profits. The demand for accommodation located in the South East of England, and London specifically, as a result of both domestic and international migration, is currently surpassing the available supply. The cost of buying a property, for first-time buyers in particular, is far in excess of funds accessible to the majority of citizens; this is a substantial problem for duel-income couples of reasonably sufficient earnings, however, the difficulty is exacerbated for individuals on low incomes and from unprivileged backgrounds. In particular, the economical reality of buying properties is of concern to the skilled labour force, and is a problem aggravated by the inflationary affects of increased regional population through migration. Subsequently, a large proportion of the population, particularly in the relatively youthful populace of London, is reliant on the rental market for accommodation; a sector which has proven to be disproportionately expensive. Similarly, the homeless population is considered to be an increasing concern, particularly within city locations, and with an estimated 85,000 households allocated refuge in temporary accommodation in 2002; approximately 65% of these families included children, and the incommensurate statistical representation of ethnic minorities in these figures is significant (Office of the DeputyPrime Minister, 2003). The projected dispersion of new households within the United Kingdom is asymmetrical, particularly throughout England (table 1) with the predominant concentration of 19.4% in the South East of the country, comparable to the corresponding estimation for the North East at 6.4%. (Table 1) Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Calculating via the estimated prediction of 172,000 inbound migrants per annum, and appreciating the requirement for one million supplementary residential properties, the forecasted profusion of households and percentage increase in each region impacted by net migration indicates that London will experience an increase of four times that of the North East (table 2). These data suggest that London is significantly more attractive as a settlement location than any other location in England, and will, by extrapolation, incur the majority of the burden for accommodation, further impacting on the current rental market. However, the theoretical impingement of such an influx of migrants is incontrovertibly extensive, and, in practice, the probable response from London would involve the outward migration of the indigenous population to less densely populated regions of the United Kingdom. Such a movement of residents, however, would subsequently confer a significant economical, political and social influence on London. (Table 2) Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics (Table 3) Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (2003) Sustainable Communities: Building for the Future. London, ODPM A more realistic consequence, however, involves the proportional distribution of population increase following inbound migration at an annual rate of 172,000 (table 3). Following these calculation, it is possible to suggest that the one million additional residential properties necessary to accommodate migrants would be dispersed throughout the country relative to the principal projections calculated by the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, therefore implying that the quantities of new houses required would involve the construction of a further 25 per cent of dwellings throughout the South of England during the following two decades (Attanasio, et al., 2005). However, this region currently exhibits the highest house prices, the most densely populated residential areas and the least quantity of unoccupied dwellings. The government’s report analysing Sustainable Communities(Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2003) concludes that a vast quantities of actions are required to respond adequately to the projected requirement for accommodation in the twenty-first century,including a reform of the previously inefficient and ineffective planning system, and the development of the so-called ‘growth areas’located in the London/Stanstead/Cambridge corridor (LSC), the Thames Gateway, Ashford and Milton Keynes (Office of the Deputy PrimeMinister, 2003). By 2031, a possible 803,000 new dwellings are planned throughout the ‘growth area’, with the majority located in Milton Keynes and LSC regions (370,000 and 322,000 respectively). However, principal projections of households are dependent on the assumptionthat the inbound migration to the United Kingdom is restricted to an approximate figure of 65,000 per annum. If, therefore, net migrationis, in actuality, closer to the suspected figure of 172,000, the increase in required new dwellings for migrants alone will equate to a figure approximating 430,000 (Attanasio, et al., 2005). The United Kingdom differs from the majority of European countries in that each individual city is responsible for providing their own population figures. Many other nations utilise commuter statistics to determine national urban population data, however, the United Kingdom’sreluctance to employ these statistics continually results in complication and perplexity with regard to the definition and presentation of accurate population statistics for London and its region. In addition, confusion exists over the physical parameters of‘London’, ‘Greater London’ and the metropolitan district, resulting in an abundance of erroneous statements and conclusions regarding the demographics of the capital. In 2001, the Greater London Authority recognised the significance of the developing patterns controlling the population of London and the inaccuracies surrounding demographic studies, and subsequently conducted an official analysis of migratory and housing trends. The panel concluded that household and property statistics were previously unsound, and established that London demographics were manipulated by a variety of disparate determinants, with particular significance attributed to domestic and international migratory trends, culturally determined differential household patterns, contrasting housing aspirations dependent on age bracket, and the disproportionately high prices and scant availability of property in the capital (Greater London Authority and the Mayor of London,2001). From varying studies it is possible to determine that the increase in the rate of population growth is in excess of the current and predicted supply of accommodation. Microcosmic analysis between boroughs suggests that the differential migration of London, in comparison with the remainder of the United Kingdom, is also replicated at municipal levels. The demographic profile of London indicates a remarkable diversity in ethnicity of the resident population. Approximately seventy-eight percent of the United Kingdom’s black African population resides in London, with representation of the black Caribbean populace currently standing at sixty-one per cent, and in excess of half of the British population of Bangladeshis reside in the capital (Dobson et al., 2001).When analysing the population of a capital city it is imperative to acknowledge the ethnic profile due to the associated impoverished state of both the residents themselves and their communities: a significant majority of London’s ethnic population experiences below average incomes, poorer standards of habitation and poorer health when compared with the general population of the United Kingdom (Philips and Philips,1998). The Borough of Kensington and Chelsea, London, is considered to be affluent, progressive and prosperous, with a substantial population density in comparison to all other London boroughs. Kensington and Chelsea presents a total population of 158,919 citizens and a population density of people per hectare of 131.01 (Merriman, 2003).Contrastingly, Lambeth is a borough afflicted by generic poverty, low income households and social deprivation, however, its population density is considerably less than that of Kensington and Chelsea, currently at 99.42 people per hectare. Despite the relatively meager distribution of people, however, the population of Lambeth is considerable, at approximately 270,500 registered citizens (Thrift,1994), and results in Lambeth being the largest inner London borough.Though stricken with relatively significant levels of poverty, Lambeth enjoys one of the most culturally and socially diverse communities within the United Kingdom (Rex and Montserrat Guibernau i B erdun,1997). Ethnic minorities are well-represented within the Borough, with current data indicating that twenty-five percent of the Lambeth population consider themselves as black and four percent declaring their ethnicity as from the Indian Subcontinent; approximately thirty-four per cent of the residential population in Lambeth are from ethnic minorities (Philips and Philips, 1998). The borough boasts the largest proportion of black Caribbean citizens in comparison with all other districts, and possesses the third largest representation of black Africans in London (Office for National Statistics, 2005b).According to the 2001 Census, 62% of Lambeth’s population considers themselves white, with black Caribbean and black African residents equally represented at approximately 12% of the population of the borough. Though not considered particularly densely populated in comparison with other inner London boroughs, with regard to residency, only thirty-seven per cent of the distr ict’s population consider themselves owner-occupiers. Despite the considerable ethnic medley represented in the borough, Lambeth has, in recent years, been accused of over-enthusiastically resorting to pol Analysis of Migrants in London Analysis of Migrants in London The capital of both England and the United Kingdom, throughout the previous two millennia London has proven to be an internationally significant political, cultural and commercial epicentre, particularly with regard to the recent phenomenon of globalisation. The population of London totals approximately seven million residents, the metropolitan area of which includes in excess of twelve million people. Its official formation dates to the first century AD, wherebyLondinium enjoyed the position of the capital of the Roman Empire in the province of Britannia (Anderson, 1996): by the eighteenth century London was considered the largest city in the world and the nucleus of the British Empire. London has long been a magnet for migrants, both domestic andinternational. The capital city has, for centuries, enjoyed a somewhatdelicate relationship with many cultures, religions and faiths, andwith a resident population representative of predominant globalnationalities (Sassen, 2001). In excess of two hundred languages arespoken in the capital, indicative of the importance of the city as anucleus for the immigration of refugees and migrants throughouthistory. The medieval era was a significantly active period for thesettlement of migrants in London, particularly with immigrants fromEurope. Though encouraged by William the Conqueror, in the eleventh andtwelfth centuries, to relocate to England, the Jewish population weresubsequently ejected from the country during the thirteenth century(Montefiore Hyamson, 2001). The majority of the capital’s international trade was controlled andmonopolised by the foreign merchants, themselves immigrants to thecity, and, as in the twentieth century, history has witnessed thedevelopment of specific industries and trades by the skilled foreignmigrants relocating to London. The presence of black minorities in thecity has been felt since the Tudor period, and, though many arrived asfree citizens, the slave trade in Africa consequentially increased theblack population of London significantly following the 1570s (Houston,1996). The metamorphosis of predominant religion in England, followingthe country’s estrangement from the Catholic Church, resulted in themigration of a momentous quantity of persecuted Protestant refugeesfrom the Continent, the majority of which settled in London. Fourcenturies later, the Second World War culminated in the shortage ofcapable workers in the capital, and encouraged the migration of labourto London from Europe: until t he early 1960s, England was active in thecolonies of the West Indies and India, recruiting labour for the worstaffected areas of the United Kingdom. Subsequently, British citizensfrom colonial nations, such as those Cypriot citizens dispossessed bythe invasion of Turkey, have sought refuge in the capital, and the cityremains a sanctuary for foreign citizens living in fear or persecutedby problematic regimes. In addition, and similar to many capitalcities, London attracts many domestic migrants from across the UK, asignificant number of which augment the homeless population of theregion. In the twentieth century, the continual influx of a variety ofcultures, ethnicities and religions has resulted in a capital city thatis extremely diverse, energetic and dynamic (Kymlicka, 1996). London iscurrently one of the most substantial cities, with a total land area of1,584 km2, and is considered the most heavily populated city in Europewith approximately 7.4 million inhabitants and a ratio of approximately4,665 individuals per km2; in the European Union, London is third onlyto Paris and Brussels with regard to population density figures(Kershen, 1997). As such, it is unremarkable, therefore, that a rapidlychanging population structure should affect and impinge upon both theeconomy and housing market. According to recent research conducted bythe Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors, rental costs areincreasingly exponentially as a result of the significantly high demandfor property (HM Treasury and Office of the Deputy Prime Minister,2005). This paper will attempt to review the increase in immigration toLondon, specifically contrast data from two economically and culturallycontrasting boroughs, explicitly Kensington and Lambeth. The paper willalso assess the economic effects of migration to the city, particularlywith regard to the associated increase in rental costs and deficienciesin the housing market. Table 1: Household projections (based on principal projections). Officeof National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migrationestimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Table 2: Household projections (based on 172,000 per annum net migration): regional spread based on regional net overseas inward migration rates. Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Table 3: Household projections (based on 172,000 per annum netmigration): regional spread of increases as per the principal projections. Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (2003) SustainableCommunities: Building for the Future. London, ODPM Table 4: Greater London migration 1991-2001, in thousands. Office of national Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics The arrival the Normans to Britain, and their subsequent invasion, heralded a new era of political, religious and economic migrations to the United Kingdom. The anti-Semitic sentiments throughout the continent encouraged the migration of Jewish merchants and craftsmen to London, though the Jewish communities remained purposefully insular and burial provisions were restricted to a single Jewish cemetery until1177 (Montefiore Hyamson, 2001). The seemingly global opinion of London as a political and religious refuge for the persecuted, the displaced and the dispossessed has continued for a further millennium, and subsequently, the capital has evolved into a multi-cultural,multi-ethnicity amalgamation that appears irresistible to many domestic and foreign migrants into the twenty-first century (Kymlicka, 1996). London’s reputation as a quintessentially global city, considered by some commentators to be the most international city in the world, can trace its history to its relative tolerance towards culturally diverse residents; a phenomenon which was emphasised during the post-colonial migration of British citizens from former Empire nations (Favell,2001). In addition, the latter decades of the twentieth century witnessed remarkable exoduses from the ecumenical labour market, with significant, though largely not quantified, migration into London. To many international observers, London appears to be the zenith of contrariness. Geographically, the city maintains its manufacturing and service industries in the northern and southern regions, with business, financial and retail districts dominating the centre of London (Sassen, 2001). In 2004, the city and its thirty-two boroughs exhibited anestimated 7,421,228 residents giving London the status of the jointmost populated city in Europe (in addition to Moscow) (Wrigley, 2004), however, the accuracy of population data for the capital is perpetually under debate due to its reliance on resident participation in returning official surveys, and subsequent analyses proposed that the population on Census Day totalled a figure approximating 7.3 million inhabitants. Indeed, the governmental estimation of the city’s populace conducted in 2003 suggested that the official figure is approximately 7,387,900 (Office of National Statistics, 2003a). The population of London is directly and significantly affected and altered by both migration and the natural life-events of birth and death. While the birth and death rate of the city has, in recent decades, remained reasonably stable as a result of the deficit infectious disease and significant military conflict (Office for national Statistics, 2005a), the population is continually and incomparably influenced by migratory trends. London exhibits a disproportionately high demographic of citizens within the 20-44 year old age bracket, a feature directly attributable to inbound domestic and foreign migration. Relying on the official 2001 Census alone, migration figures in the 12 month period prior to the research suggest that Greater London favoured comparably with the remainder of the United Kingdom, both possessing an inward migration equating to approximately 12% of the residential population. The Census indicated that Inner London, however, had experienced a markedly higher migrat ory influx, with approximately 17.5% of the population represented. Similarly, migration from abroad totaled approximately 1.2% of the population for outer London, however, this contrasts significantly with the foreign inbound migration statistics for inner London, which approximate 2.5%. It is, however, imperative to appreciate thatimmigration into the United Kingdom is frequently and substantiallychallenged by illegal entry, and, inevitably, any figures relating tomigration from aboard are conceivably underrepresented. (Office ofNational Statistics, 2001: table KS24) Statistics for the United Kingdom indicate a prevalence of females than males in the population, with an average across age brackets of 50.7%(Office for National Statistics, 2005a) and predominantly more females than males in all age brackets post-30 years. London conforms to this trend, with an average proportion of females at 50.6 per cent. However,the profile of London with regard to the demographics of age, and in contrast with the United Kingdom as a whole, indicates that residents in the capital incline towards younger than average age brackets: the mean age for the United Kingdom is approximately 38.9, compared to 36.5for the resident population of London (Office for National Statistics,2005a). From data collated in 2003, the under-7 and 22-43 year old age bracket are significantly overrepresented in London in comparison to the population of the United Kingdom, however, representation in other age brackets from the London data is appreciably lower, with notably fewer people pr esenting in the 12-15 and 49+ age brackets. From the same 2003 data, approximately 35% of the population of the United Kingdom were placed in the 20-44 year old age bracket, comparable to 44per cent from the residential population of London. This bracket is particularly significant as it is responsible for rates of both economic activity and virtually all births. Within the previous decade, available data indicates that net migration into the United Kingdom averaged approximately 166,000 per annum(Office of National Statistics, 2003a; Office of National Statistics,2003b). Furthermore, between 2004 and 2031 the population of the country is estimated to increase by approximately 7.2 million, with 83per cent of this increase allegedly attributable to immigration (Office for National Statistics, 2005b)). These projections suggest that an estimated 1,003,000 new residential structures will be required for the subsequent 17 year period (Lords Hansard, 2004) to contend with this substantial inbound migration, approximating to 59,000 properties per annum. According to the 2001 Census, the population of the UnitedKingdom’s second largest city, Birmingham, is approximately 977,000residents, and therefore, the projected housing requirements of future immigrants alone are monumental. Seventy per cent of recent immigration from aboard has been to L ondon, however, within the past decade an equilibrium has been achieved, with approximately 100,000 domestic residents vacating London, and relocating to other regions in the United Kingdom, as approximately 100,000 migrants arrive. It is virtually impossible to accurately project for population changes due to illegal immigration, and therefore it is realistic to suggest that the net approximation of 172,000 migrants per annum for the subsequent two decades (2001 to 2021) is a minimum figure. However, without accurate statistics governing the immigration of illegal aliens to the United Kingdom, it is impractical to analyse total demographics migratory patterns. For the domestic population, the deficit in accommodation is currently problematic, however, worst-case scenario predictions suggest that a total housing requirement per annum may be closer to 155,000 – a significant shortfall of 35,000 new residences, even after allowance for demolitions and conversions (Council ofMortgage Lenders, 2003)). Appreciating the requirements of the domestic population in addition to migration, the requirement of accommodation per annum will, allegedly, approximate 200,000 new houses (Hamnett,2003). Subsequently, an incr easing in building construction of approximately 66 per cent will be essential to integrate the increased citizenry into the population. The United Kingdom is, fundamentally, grossly unprepared for the current trends in inbound population migration, predominantly the result of considerably inaccurate assumptions involved in demographic predictions during the 1990s (Wrigley, 2004). These predictions suggested that the inward migration per annum from 1999 would approximate 65,000 individuals, however, data collated at the beginning of the twenty-first century indicated that a conservative figure for inbound migration approximated in excess of twice the originally predicted quantity. The government-commissioned Housing Statistics report illustrates the direct correlation between migration and significant alterations of population levels and structure, and calculated that an adjustment of plus or minus 40,000 in inbound migration per annum results in a difference in adult residential population by 2021 of approximately plus or minus 870,000 (Office for National Statistics, 2005b) With the exception of disease and epidemic control, in the twenty-first century the government has negligible control over natural life-events, such as birth and death, however, administration of population changes relating to inbound migrationpatterns are possible, thereby directly influencing the housing requirements of the United Kingdom. Despite the limited projection of65,000 inbound migrants per annum, government estimations suggest that, between 1996 and 2021, approximately 700,000 new households would be created as a result of migration (Office of National Statistics, 2003b) The financial implications of migration and housing are numerous.Currently, the cost of accommodation is unprecedentedly high, particularly for those in lower income brackets, which invariably include labour forces essential to the construction and manufacturing industries. In recent decades the political reaction to this conundrum involved the international recruitment of workers (Angrist and Kugler,2003), however, this has essentially resulted in an impasse: a further increase in the demand for accommodation and encouraging an outward migration of the crucial labour force to other regions of the UnitedKingdom and, thus, necessitating the international recruitment of even more employees. It is plausible to assume that inbound migration into London will continue to increase in the foreseeable future (Office of NationalStatistics, 2005b). Principally, this prediction is a result of the2004 admittance and inclusion of previously Communist nations into the European Union, an event which has the potential to increase in the quantity of legally-issued work permits, thereby encouraging the migration to London of citizens from these new EU member states.Independent estimates suggest that, should this prediction be realised, inbound migration to London may rise by between 20 and 25 per cent,thus further increasing the pressure on the currently inadequate housing market, potentially doubling the requirement for new accommodation from immigration alone from approximately one million new homes to a figure close to two million (Council of Mortgage Lenders,2003). During the previous four decades, however, rates of construction with regard to new houses have significantly diminishe d. Throughout the1960’s, new housing projects attained a pinnacle of approximately350,000 per annum, however, the current rate of house building falls below 150,000; recognising the quantity of annual demolitions, the net quantity of new housing projects corresponds to a figure closer to120,000 (Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2003). Literature reviewThe majority of studies relating to migratory patterns, impact on society and the requirement of associated provisions have been largely undertaken by governmental bodies. However, several independent analyses indicate that the predictions of the government are fundamentally inaccurate due to the substantial error margin incurred via illegal migratory patterns, of both domestic residents and those immigrating from overseas (Dustmann et al., 2005). According to articles published in The Economist, London has absorbed approximately680,000 migrants from overseas without an explicit and visible loss of countryside or heritage areas (Hatton and Tani, 2005). Partially, this is the result of the redevelopment of disused industrial sites with previously scant residential areas, such as the Docklands. However, it must also be appreciated that migration to the city has resulted in an exponential rise in the price of land and property in London, in comparison to the rest of the United Kingdom, encouraging the indigenous population to take advantage of this market boom, sell property and relocate elsewhere. The effects of domestic and international migration on employment and associated finances are potentially underestimated (Hatton and Tani,2005). The relative equilibrium between the influx of migrants and there locating outbound indigenous population may mask, at a local level, the economic and employment-related ramifications of migration, however, its significance to the economy of the entire country remains considerable. An equivalent analysis of the migratory patterns and their associated concerns in the United States by Borjas (2003) indicates that the displacement of an indigenous population is an essential apparatus to encourage the dispersal of the effects of migration, thereby restricting any negative impacts from affecting solitary locations. However, this assessment is contradicted in a similar study conducted by Card (2001). Within the United Kingdom, this issue has been analysed throughout two decades and reported by Hattonand Tani (2005), with a reliance on data accumul ated from eleven regions via the National Health Service Register and the International Passenger Survey. Conclusively, Hatton and Tani suggest that the effects of immigration are diffused beyond the immediately affected region, with an associated flow of migrants between regions; the original settlement of inbound migrants and the subsequent displacement of prior inhabitants (Hatton and Tani, 2005). Unsurprisingly, these effects are not restricted to the tangible and readily visible issues surrounding accommodation, but also impact on regional and national economies, the religious and cultural structure of society, demographics relating to language, and employment. The consequence of migration on both the employment and housing markets involve significantly intensified competition, throughout the region and, eventually, throughout the country (Hatton and Tani, 2005). With a focus on London specifically, current data suggest that approximately forty-five inhabitants are routinely di splaced by the inward migration of one hundred migrants, and, therefore, displacement is particularly concentrated in locations experiencing significant immigration. However, data compiled and analysed by various authors, both academic and governmental, are intrinsically limited by the relevance of the sources used, particularly with regard to the lack of accurate data relating to illegal migration, and therefore many studies are ultimately considered to be statistically insignificant. This is an unfortunate restriction applicable to any study assessing demographics,with a substantial proportion of the potential target population in accessible and virtually invisible. It is, therefore, imperative to acknowledge these limitations and present any such population study as representative only of the visible, official public. The quantity of households in London declined considerably during the1970s, however, this trend has since reversed and the inclination is predicted to increase exponentially. The Greater London Authority estimates that the increase in population, as a result of both natural life events and migration, will occur at a rate unprecedented sinceWorld War Two (Greater London Authority and the Mayor of London, 2001).The change in social profile of the United Kingdom in the latter half of the twentieth century, including the prevalence for divorce and single habitation, inevitably attributed to the increase in population, however, these were not the primary causes. Though natural patterns and growth contributes to a large proportion of the population increase in London, the recent surge in numbers of households in the capital is a direct result of inbound migration. This paper details the accumulation of data from a variety of reports conducted into the examination of the population of Londo n. The majority of these studies demonstrate the significant correlation between migration patterns, accessibility of employment, formation of households, property prices and income levels.When assessing the inbound migration of residents, particularly within specific boroughs, it is virtually obligatory to also examine corresponding local labour markets and the resultant displacement of sections of the population. The state of the housing market and its demand within London is specifically a matter of growth: growth of the population, particularly driven by inward migration, which directly drives the growth and development of households, which, in turn, results in the growth of the housing market and an increased necessity for new properties in the locality. As a result of this demand for available residential properties within London, many residents have cashed in on the remunerative housing market, and subsequently investments in housing have yielded considerable profits. The demand for accommodation located in the South East of England, and London specifically, as a result of both domestic and international migration, is currently surpassing the available supply. The cost of buying a property, for first-time buyers in particular, is far in excess of funds accessible to the majority of citizens; this is a substantial problem for duel-income couples of reasonably sufficient earnings, however, the difficulty is exacerbated for individuals on low incomes and from unprivileged backgrounds. In particular, the economical reality of buying properties is of concern to the skilled labour force, and is a problem aggravated by the inflationary affects of increased regional population through migration. Subsequently, a large proportion of the population, particularly in the relatively youthful populace of London, is reliant on the rental market for accommodation; a sector which has proven to be disproportionately expensive. Similarly, the homeless population is considered to be an increasing concern, particularly within city locations, and with an estimated 85,000 households allocated refuge in temporary accommodation in 2002; approximately 65% of these families included children, and the incommensurate statistical representation of ethnic minorities in these figures is significant (Office of the DeputyPrime Minister, 2003). The projected dispersion of new households within the United Kingdom is asymmetrical, particularly throughout England (table 1) with the predominant concentration of 19.4% in the South East of the country, comparable to the corresponding estimation for the North East at 6.4%. (Table 1) Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics Calculating via the estimated prediction of 172,000 inbound migrants per annum, and appreciating the requirement for one million supplementary residential properties, the forecasted profusion of households and percentage increase in each region impacted by net migration indicates that London will experience an increase of four times that of the North East (table 2). These data suggest that London is significantly more attractive as a settlement location than any other location in England, and will, by extrapolation, incur the majority of the burden for accommodation, further impacting on the current rental market. However, the theoretical impingement of such an influx of migrants is incontrovertibly extensive, and, in practice, the probable response from London would involve the outward migration of the indigenous population to less densely populated regions of the United Kingdom. Such a movement of residents, however, would subsequently confer a significant economical, political and social influence on London. (Table 2) Office of National Statistics (2003b) Revised international migration estimates 1992-2001. London, Office of National Statistics (Table 3) Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (2003) Sustainable Communities: Building for the Future. London, ODPM A more realistic consequence, however, involves the proportional distribution of population increase following inbound migration at an annual rate of 172,000 (table 3). Following these calculation, it is possible to suggest that the one million additional residential properties necessary to accommodate migrants would be dispersed throughout the country relative to the principal projections calculated by the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, therefore implying that the quantities of new houses required would involve the construction of a further 25 per cent of dwellings throughout the South of England during the following two decades (Attanasio, et al., 2005). However, this region currently exhibits the highest house prices, the most densely populated residential areas and the least quantity of unoccupied dwellings. The government’s report analysing Sustainable Communities(Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, 2003) concludes that a vast quantities of actions are required to respond adequately to the projected requirement for accommodation in the twenty-first century,including a reform of the previously inefficient and ineffective planning system, and the development of the so-called ‘growth areas’located in the London/Stanstead/Cambridge corridor (LSC), the Thames Gateway, Ashford and Milton Keynes (Office of the Deputy PrimeMinister, 2003). By 2031, a possible 803,000 new dwellings are planned throughout the ‘growth area’, with the majority located in Milton Keynes and LSC regions (370,000 and 322,000 respectively). However, principal projections of households are dependent on the assumptionthat the inbound migration to the United Kingdom is restricted to an approximate figure of 65,000 per annum. If, therefore, net migrationis, in actuality, closer to the suspected figure of 172,000, the increase in required new dwellings for migrants alone will equate to a figure approximating 430,000 (Attanasio, et al., 2005). The United Kingdom differs from the majority of European countries in that each individual city is responsible for providing their own population figures. Many other nations utilise commuter statistics to determine national urban population data, however, the United Kingdom’sreluctance to employ these statistics continually results in complication and perplexity with regard to the definition and presentation of accurate population statistics for London and its region. In addition, confusion exists over the physical parameters of‘London’, ‘Greater London’ and the metropolitan district, resulting in an abundance of erroneous statements and conclusions regarding the demographics of the capital. In 2001, the Greater London Authority recognised the significance of the developing patterns controlling the population of London and the inaccuracies surrounding demographic studies, and subsequently conducted an official analysis of migratory and housing trends. The panel concluded that household and property statistics were previously unsound, and established that London demographics were manipulated by a variety of disparate determinants, with particular significance attributed to domestic and international migratory trends, culturally determined differential household patterns, contrasting housing aspirations dependent on age bracket, and the disproportionately high prices and scant availability of property in the capital (Greater London Authority and the Mayor of London,2001). From varying studies it is possible to determine that the increase in the rate of population growth is in excess of the current and predicted supply of accommodation. Microcosmic analysis between boroughs suggests that the differential migration of London, in comparison with the remainder of the United Kingdom, is also replicated at municipal levels. The demographic profile of London indicates a remarkable diversity in ethnicity of the resident population. Approximately seventy-eight percent of the United Kingdom’s black African population resides in London, with representation of the black Caribbean populace currently standing at sixty-one per cent, and in excess of half of the British population of Bangladeshis reside in the capital (Dobson et al., 2001).When analysing the population of a capital city it is imperative to acknowledge the ethnic profile due to the associated impoverished state of both the residents themselves and their communities: a significant majority of London’s ethnic population experiences below average incomes, poorer standards of habitation and poorer health when compared with the general population of the United Kingdom (Philips and Philips,1998). The Borough of Kensington and Chelsea, London, is considered to be affluent, progressive and prosperous, with a substantial population density in comparison to all other London boroughs. Kensington and Chelsea presents a total population of 158,919 citizens and a population density of people per hectare of 131.01 (Merriman, 2003).Contrastingly, Lambeth is a borough afflicted by generic poverty, low income households and social deprivation, however, its population density is considerably less than that of Kensington and Chelsea, currently at 99.42 people per hectare. Despite the relatively meager distribution of people, however, the population of Lambeth is considerable, at approximately 270,500 registered citizens (Thrift,1994), and results in Lambeth being the largest inner London borough.Though stricken with relatively significant levels of poverty, Lambeth enjoys one of the most culturally and socially diverse communities within the United Kingdom (Rex and Montserrat Guibernau i B erdun,1997). Ethnic minorities are well-represented within the Borough, with current data indicating that twenty-five percent of the Lambeth population consider themselves as black and four percent declaring their ethnicity as from the Indian Subcontinent; approximately thirty-four per cent of the residential population in Lambeth are from ethnic minorities (Philips and Philips, 1998). The borough boasts the largest proportion of black Caribbean citizens in comparison with all other districts, and possesses the third largest representation of black Africans in London (Office for National Statistics, 2005b).According to the 2001 Census, 62% of Lambeth’s population considers themselves white, with black Caribbean and black African residents equally represented at approximately 12% of the population of the borough. Though not considered particularly densely populated in comparison with other inner London boroughs, with regard to residency, only thirty-seven per cent of the distr ict’s population consider themselves owner-occupiers. Despite the considerable ethnic medley represented in the borough, Lambeth has, in recent years, been accused of over-enthusiastically resorting to pol

Computer Storage: Are memory sticks and disks likely to be obsolete by

In the first quarter of 2012, a German business software firm (SAP) recorded a 10 per cent increase in profits from the previous year of  £478 million from cloud, a method of computer storage (SAP sounds upbeat note as profits continue to rise, 2012). It is clear that methods of storing data on computers have developed rapidly in the past 60 years, from the earliest type of data storage on cylinders to data storage in cloud. The purpose of this essay is to describe this development and show that individual physical memory such as memory sticks and disks are rapidly becoming a thing of the past. By way of background, before the invention of computers, various methods had been used to store and retrieve data. For example, 1725 saw the invention of the ‘punch card’ widely used in looms and in primitive calculating machines. Although this was a significant development in storage, these cards were not made â€Å"general purpose† until 1928. The need to store and retrieve data as one continuous stream and not individual cards brought about the invention of the punch tape in 1846. In 1877, Thomas Edison invented a device known as the ‘Phonograph’. This device recorded sound vibrations on a metal cylinder with a recording needle and played the recordings back when needed. These storage developments served as a background for the development of computer storage. Professor Federick C. Williams and colleague Tom Kilburn developed the first random access computer memory in 1948 known as the ‘Williams-Kilburn tube’. This device allowed for storage of 1024 bits but was later upgraded to 2048 bits. In 1951 the ‘Delay line memory’ was invented. This form of memory consisted of a column of mercury with piezo crystal to aid in the transfer of data. W... ...owstuffworks.com/cloud-computing/cloud-storage.htm on 8 May 2012. - Paul Lilly. (3 February 2009). Computer Data Storage Through the Ages – From Punch Cards to Blu-Ray. Retrieved from http://www.maximumpc.com/article/news/computer_data_storage_through_ages on 8 May 2012. - Pingdom. (8 April 2008). Retrieved from http://royal.pingdom.com/2008/04/08/the-history-of-computer-data-storage-in-pictures/ on 8 May 2012. - Retrieved from http://cs-exhibitions.uni-klu.ac.at/index.php?id=187 on 8 May 2012. - Ryan Nichols (31 August 2010). Cloud computing by the numbers: What do all the statistics mean? Retrieved from http://blogs.computerworld.com/16863/cloud_computing_by_the_numbers_what_do_all_the_statistics_mean on 24 May 2012. - SAP sounds upbeat note as profits continue to rise. (25 April 2012). Retrieved from http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-17836653 on 8 May 2012. Computer Storage: Are memory sticks and disks likely to be obsolete by In the first quarter of 2012, a German business software firm (SAP) recorded a 10 per cent increase in profits from the previous year of  £478 million from cloud, a method of computer storage (SAP sounds upbeat note as profits continue to rise, 2012). It is clear that methods of storing data on computers have developed rapidly in the past 60 years, from the earliest type of data storage on cylinders to data storage in cloud. The purpose of this essay is to describe this development and show that individual physical memory such as memory sticks and disks are rapidly becoming a thing of the past. By way of background, before the invention of computers, various methods had been used to store and retrieve data. For example, 1725 saw the invention of the ‘punch card’ widely used in looms and in primitive calculating machines. Although this was a significant development in storage, these cards were not made â€Å"general purpose† until 1928. The need to store and retrieve data as one continuous stream and not individual cards brought about the invention of the punch tape in 1846. In 1877, Thomas Edison invented a device known as the ‘Phonograph’. This device recorded sound vibrations on a metal cylinder with a recording needle and played the recordings back when needed. These storage developments served as a background for the development of computer storage. Professor Federick C. Williams and colleague Tom Kilburn developed the first random access computer memory in 1948 known as the ‘Williams-Kilburn tube’. This device allowed for storage of 1024 bits but was later upgraded to 2048 bits. In 1951 the ‘Delay line memory’ was invented. This form of memory consisted of a column of mercury with piezo crystal to aid in the transfer of data. W... ...owstuffworks.com/cloud-computing/cloud-storage.htm on 8 May 2012. - Paul Lilly. (3 February 2009). Computer Data Storage Through the Ages – From Punch Cards to Blu-Ray. Retrieved from http://www.maximumpc.com/article/news/computer_data_storage_through_ages on 8 May 2012. - Pingdom. (8 April 2008). Retrieved from http://royal.pingdom.com/2008/04/08/the-history-of-computer-data-storage-in-pictures/ on 8 May 2012. - Retrieved from http://cs-exhibitions.uni-klu.ac.at/index.php?id=187 on 8 May 2012. - Ryan Nichols (31 August 2010). Cloud computing by the numbers: What do all the statistics mean? Retrieved from http://blogs.computerworld.com/16863/cloud_computing_by_the_numbers_what_do_all_the_statistics_mean on 24 May 2012. - SAP sounds upbeat note as profits continue to rise. (25 April 2012). Retrieved from http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-17836653 on 8 May 2012.

Kids :: essays research papers

Introduction: A) Broad discussion of topics: Discuss Kristin's thesis 1. Evolution and understanding of it Macro vs. Micro VIST framework Darwin/Mayr 2. Tools-language Open vs. Close ended questions How vs. why questions Best way of asking to reveal causal framework -explain causal framework: Essentialism (Gelman), Teleology (Keleman), Bloom, and Theory of Mind Ultimate Cause (natural) Why questions Proximate cause How questions 3. Children's and adults understanding of biology/evolution/metamorphosis Evans Species-proximity to humans Mayr 4. Natural kinds vs. artifacts 5. Creationist-God...wanted, created, gave, made Naturalistic-need, adaptations, evolve, growth Intelligent design- intention, purposeful B) Rationale for this study 1. Give close-ended questions to younger children so they can understand the broad questions and because they may not be able to ellaborate or communicate well enough. Hood/Bloom: When children start answering causal questions of parents and when they start asking questions of their own. C) Hypothesis (still being established...have to wait until finished coding Kristin's data to predict the results of mine) Method subjects: 20-25 Age: 5 and 6 years Gender: 1/2 male and 1/2 female open-ended questions -divided into how and why - questions taken from coding results of previous study done by Krisitn - analyzed and took the most typical explanations Present the most frequent of those close-ended questions presented to older age group with 1 explanation per pattern : 4 reasoning patterns: (Will be inserted in paper with actual questions once the data has all been coded and analyzed from Kristin's study) Questions altered to fit all items Use item used with older kids to see if they are giving the answers the older kids did. Procedure 4 parts of the procedure will be given sequentially: 1. Warm-up 9 items (pictures) looking at interacting Ask child if the card is an animal or a human to see if they understand 2. Card practice agree/disagree face cards 3. Open-ended questions "how/why do you think..." between subjects footnote Kristin's study 4. Close-ended questions 3 humans, 3 butterflies, 3 frogs, 3 mammals, 3 artifacts order randomly determined without replacement once item is chosen: They will be told

A critical analysis of The Great Gatsby Essay

It is all useless. It is like chasing the wind.† (Ecclesiastes 2:26). The â€Å"it† in this case, F Scott Fitzgerald’s groundbreaking novel The Great Gatsby, refers to the exhaustive efforts Gatsby undertakes in his quest for life: the life he wants to live, the so-called American Dream. The novel is Fitzgerald’s vessel of commentary and criticism of the American Dream. As he paints a vivid portrait of the Jazz Age, Fitzgerald defines this Dream, and through Gatsby’s downfall, expresses the futility and agony of its pursuit. Through Gatsby’s longing for it, he depicts its beauty and irresistible lure in a manner of which the Philosopher himself would be proud. The aspects of the American Dream are evident throughout Fitzgerald’s narrative. Take, for example, James Gatz’s heavenly, almost unbelievable rise from â€Å"beating his way along the south shore of Lake Superior as a clam-digger and a salmon-fisher† (Fitzgerald 95) to the great, i.e. excessive, Gatsby, housed in â€Å"a colossal affair by any standard†¦ with a tower on one side†¦ a marble swimming pool, and more than forty acres of lawn and garden† (Fitzgerald 11). The awe in which Fitzgerald presents his awakened phoenix clearly conveys the importance of improvement, or at least what one thinks is improvement, in the American Dream; it is not necessarily a life of excesses and wealth Fitzgerald defends as the Dream, for the audience sees clearly their detriments in the novel through Tom and Daisy, but rather a change in the style of life, reflecting the equally-American pioneering spirit. Nevertheless, wealth does certainly play an important role in the American Dream. With wealth, supposedly, comes comfort, as Nick mentions regarding his home: â€Å"I had a view of the water, a partial view of my neighbour’s lawn, and the consoling proximity of millionaires† (Fitzgerald 11). Wealth, states Ross Possnock in his quoting of Karl Marx, is the great equalizer of inequality: I am ugly, but I can buy the most beautiful woman for myself. Consequently, I am not ugly, for the effect of my ugliness, its power to repel, is annulled by money†¦ does not my money, therefore, transform all my incapacities into their opposites? (Possnock 204). Read Also:  Critical Response Essay Topics Gatsby’s incapacities, generally of an emotional nature, inhibitions preventing his successful capture of his long-lost love, Daisy, are washed away with the drunkenness provided by the dollar: However glorious might be his future as Jay Gatsby, he was a present a penniless young man without a past, and at any moment the invisible cloak of his uniform might slip from his shoulders†¦ He took what he could get, ravenously and unscrupulously – eventually he took Daisy one still October night (Fitzgerald 141). Once armed with the lucre, however, he is prepared to contribute equally to the relationship, making it truly an equal relation of love. Love represents the other side of the coin of wealth: as opposed to material wealth, it refers instead to emotional wealth. Whatever its plane of existence, love plays a pivotal role in the American Dream, in Gatsby’s Dream. Perhaps love is the most valuable of the aspects presented thus far of the Dream; â€Å"He hadn’t once ceased looking at Daisy, and I think he revalued everything in his house according to the measure of response it drew from her well-loved eyes† (Fitzgerald 88). Such is his love for her; the bootlegging Gatsby values this emotional wealth to the extent that he essentially abandons the material for just a moment, losing himself in the winds of passion stirred up by the swaying of Daisy’s dress as she inspects Gatsby’s lookout tower for the green light. His emotional wealth is so suddenly multiplied that â€Å"none of it [his possessions] was any longer real. Once he nearly toppled down a flight of stairs† (Fitzgerald 88). Sharing the same side of the coin is the need for social acceptance. Gatsby prides himself on his openness; his lavish parties where strangers â€Å"came and went without having met Gatsby at all, came for the party with a simplicity of heart that was its own ticket of admission† (Fitzgerald 43), proof of not only his tolerance, but also of his acceptance of those whose drinking make him grow â€Å"more correct as the fraternal hilarity increased† (Fitzgerald 51). Gatsby certainly wants the people on his side: from his house labeled a  Norman â€Å"Hotel de Ville,† or City Hall, open to the public, to Lucille’s replacement dress from Croirier’s, courtesy of Gatsby, no expense is too great in his quest to win others support. Gatsby needs as much popular support as he can get, in the face of such random acts of contempt as â€Å"he killed a man once† (Fitzgerald 45) to â€Å"he was a German spy during the war† (Fitzgerald 45). Improvement, wealth, love, popularity: all contribute to the definition of the American Dream. What is missing from the preceding list is, however, perhaps the most important quality of all: that the American Dream is exactly that, a mere dream. â€Å"Our eyes can never see enough to be satisfied; our ears can never hear enough† (Ecclesiastes 1:8). The key words here are â€Å"never† and â€Å"satisfied†; it is the essence of the American Dream, satisfaction. Unfortunately, the quest for satisfaction and happiness is unending, like eternally chasing one’s tail; hence the â€Å"never.† It is a vicious circle, one of many traps laid out by Fitzgerald for the sake of educating his audience of the perils of imagination. Indeed, given the thin line between the intrinsic desire for self-improvement and the waste and futility of pursuing mental illusions, and the consequences of the latter, the peril is quite extreme. Esteemed Gatsby inquisitor Marius Bewley succinctly defines the American Dream as â€Å"life on a level at which the material and the spiritual [i.e. imaginary] have become inextricably confused,† (Bewley 37) whose â€Å"blackest devils [are] limit and deprivation† (Bewley 38). Higher and higher the summit of its ideals climb, until surely and eventually the mountain becomes insurmountable for mortal man. â€Å"What has happened before will happen again. What has been done before will be done again† (Ecclesiastes 1:9). Such is Gatsby’s battle cry as he marches off on a mission to re-discover, or rather to re-implant, the passion he found years earlier in the person of Daisy: † ‘Can’t repeat the past?’ he cried incredulously. ‘Why of course you can!†¦ I’m going to fix everything just the way is was before,’ he said, nodding determinedly. ‘She’ll [Daisy] see’ † (Fitzgerald 106). So begins the heartbreaking circle which started on that selfish day â€Å"in the middle of spring with the arrival of Tom Buchanan†¦ The letter reached Gatsby while he was still at Oxford†Ã‚  (Fitzgerald 144). Just as Daisy re-enters Gatsby’s life and sets the circle moving, does she fulfill the reverse: she, in an equally shocking and abrupt manner, flees Gatsby, his eyes still scintillating in the reflection of the Dream, thus bringing this aspect full-circle and pounding in the first nail in the Dream’s coffin. The second nail to further seal the coffin is the revolving door quality of the rise and fall from rich to poor as the pocketbooks of the Dreamers lines with money, their moral character is chipped away. Once the conscience is destroyed, one can predict that as the money runs out, character returns. Proof of this circle is offered towards the end of the novel: heading back into East Egg from the city after a tense incident on a scorching summer’s day, Gatsby and Daisy spend their last moments together in the car; upon her return to East Egg, Daisy, Gatsby’s most valued possession, the standard against which â€Å"he revalued everything in his house† (Fitzgerald 88) leaves him and returns fully to Tom, thus leaving Gatsby â€Å"bankrupt.† As this decision transpires, Gatsby selflessly accepts the blame for the accident where Daisy, in control of the car, is at fault. Given the sheer number of its examples, the lack of morals in the materially-rich is indeed an element Fitzgerald wished to impress upon his audience. The lack of respect for life present in high society is demonstrated most strongly by Daisy’s relationship, or lack thereof, with her daughter, Pammy. Appearing only once or twice in the novel, Pammy’s non-existent role in the plot and Daisy’s life prove Daisy’s misplaced priorities as a mother and as a â€Å"successful† American Dreamer. Neglect becomes synonymous with high society in Chapter II; Myrtle’s Airedale, referred to simply as one of Mrs. Wilson’s â€Å"other purchases† (Fitzgerald 31), is last seen â€Å"sitting on the table with blind eyes through the smoke, and from time to time groaning faintly† (Fitzgerald 38) as â€Å"people disappeared, reappeared, made plans to go somewhere† (Fitzgerald 38). By the end of the book Pammy and the dog (Myrtle doesn’t even bother naming him)  are forgotten, victims of the American Dreamers’ quest for happiness. Daisy’s whims wreak havoc on other’s lives as she continues her quest for â€Å"happiness,† driving Gatsby’s car at supersonic speeds, plowing through Myrtle Wilson’s body†¦ and not even bothering to stop. Not only does she continue without batting an eye, Daisy allows Gatsby to essentially hang for her crimes without a simple â€Å"I’m sorry† or a token â€Å"I love you.† Tom, for his part, forgets the woman in favour of whom he cheats on Daisy. â€Å"There was an unmistakable air of natural intimacy about the picture, and anybody would have said that they were conspiring together† (Fitzgerald 138). Fitzgerald sums up his judgement of the financially-superior/morally-inferior: They were careless people†¦ they smashed up things and creatures and then retreated back into their money or their vast carelessness, or whatever it was that kept them together, and let other people clean up the mess they had made (Fitzgerald 170). The mess they had made; the heaps of ashes left in their wake. Unfortunately, dreams don’t come cheap. Nor do they come without work. The dreams achieved by high society, such as the creation of the enclave known as East Egg, are built, as Marx would say, on the backs of the workers; the workers who sweat and toil for the benefit of the American Dreamers (or perhaps to join their ranks) creating and living in the vast ashheaps of America, separate from their economic rulers. They do not live the Dream; they don’t have the opportunity to. This exclusionary characteristic of the American Dream appears as the distinct snobbery evident through East Egg’s assertion of â€Å"membership in a rather distinguished secret society† (Fitzgerald 22). From â€Å"I [Nick] lived at West Egg, the – well, the less-fashionable of the two† (Fitzgerald 10), to † ‘my opinion on these matters is final,’ he [Tom] seemed to say, ‘just because I’m stronger and more of a man than you are’ † (Fitzgerald 13), to â€Å"Tom†¦ deferred to the sensibilities of those East Eggers who might be on the train† (Fitzgerald 29), it certainly seems that East Egg suffers from a superiority complex: a condition due, no doubt, to their â€Å"success† in embodying the American Dream. â€Å"So I realized that all we can do is be happy, and do the best we can while we are still alive† (Ecclesiastes 3:12). The beauty of the American Dream is that, as an unattainable yet seemingly plausible goal for all intents and purposes, it continues to inspire humanity of all nationalities to stretch to a new level of existence, regardless of their current social status. The quest for happiness is perhaps the most venerable of all human institutions due to the natural human desire for a hedonistic existence: a simple pursuit, hardly; a palpable pursuit, possibly; a consuming pursuit, definitely. While the pursuit of the American Dream can easily be branded selfish and greedy, one must admire those American Dreamers with the gall to embark on its realization. The lengths to which Gatsby goes to bring his world to fruition are, to say the least, extensive. An example is his building of â€Å"gonnegtions† with less than scrupulous business partners to finance the erection of a tower from which to gaze at a green light, a task requiring years of work, as his partner Meyer Wolfshiem reminisces: † ‘My memory goes back to when I first met him [Gatsby]’, he said. ‘A young major just out of†¦ the war [1918].’†¦ ‘Did you start him in business,’ I [Nick] inquired. ‘Start him! I made him’ † (Fitzgerald 162). While one might criticize his hyperactive imagination and perhaps even his sanity, one must grant him credit for his seemingly innocent and juvenile idealism; he is a true romantic. One must also admire his tenacity and strength of will: where lesser men would have collapsed under the strain of reality, the strong Gatsby persevered against all odds and, for a moment, held â€Å"Daisy’s white face† (Fitzgerald 107) and â€Å"she blossomed for him like a flower and the incarnation was complete† (Fitzgerald 107). The facing of such a challenge is no less heroic than catching a marlin or warding off a raging bull: all three require intense mental preparation, and though each expends different physical force, all three leave the hero exhausted physically and emotionally. Where Gatsby’s inferiors depend on alcohol to wash away their inhibitions and uncertainties – â€Å"Never had a drink before, but oh how I [Daisy] enjoy it† (Fitzgerald 74) declares a drunken, uncertain,  about-to-be-married Daisy in the face of mounting stress and anxiety over her commitment; or â€Å"the bottle of whiskey – a second one – [which] was in constant demand by all present† (Fitzgerald 37) at the heated scrutinize-Tom’s-relationships meeting in Tom’s/Myrtle’s apartment – Gatsby charges headfirst, conscious without anaesthetic, straight into the source of potential joy – and potential heartbreak. â€Å"I [Nick] wondered if the fact that he [Gatsby] was not drinking helped to set him off from his guests, for it seemed to me that he grew more correct as the†¦ hilarity increased† (Fitzgerald 51). The pathetic hilarity with which the novel ends – with Gatsby dead, sincerely believing that Daisy will call back, and Tom and Daisy continuing on, living without memory of their brief affairs of the summer of 1922 – accomplishes two things: firstly, it validates Gatsby and the American Dream; Fitzgerald contrasts the unforgivable, despicable actions of Tom and Daisy with the seemingly innocent and juvenile fantasies of Gatsby. The latter earns the audience’s sympathy, while the former are condemned for their inhumanity. Secondly, it debunks the American Dream: in spite of all the efforts and labours Gatsby invests to bring his Dream to fruition, he and his bold vision are cut short, left to rot floating in a pool of blood, rejected by reality; a strong message that material existence does not take kindly to Dreamers. And the battle returns to its origin; Dreamers recommence their offensive, reality braces itself; and the story continues. â€Å"It is all useless. It is like chasing the wind† (Ecclesiastes 2:26). Or is it? Bewley, Marius. â€Å"Scott Fitzgerald’s Criticism of America.† Twentieth Century Interpretations of The Great Gatsby. Ed. Ernest Lockridge. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1968. 37-53. â€Å"Book of Ecclesiastes.† Good News Bible. Manila: Philippine Bible Society, 1980. Fitzgerald, F. Scott. The Great Gatsby. London: Penguin Books, 1990. Possnock, Ross. † ‘A New World, Material Without Being Real’: Fitzgerald’s Critique of Capitalism in The Great Gatsby.† Critical Essays on Fitzgerald’s The Great Gatsby. Ed. Scott Donaldson. Boston: G.K. Hall & Co., 1984. 201-213.

Reading and Writing Strategies Essay

|Strategy |Activity |Assessment | |Prior Knowledge: To make connection to what one already |Make a word web of information that has |Create a concept map showing key ideas. | |know. Lay a foundation which new facts, ideas and |been discussed. | | |concepts can be develop. | |Assess prior knowledge by asking | | |Share information. |questions. | | |Create a T-Chart with what students would | | | |like to know about the subject and what I | | | |now know. | | |Prediction: Predicting involves thinking ahead and |Ask question about each picture to elicit |Write prediction in reading logs. | |anticipating information and event that take place. |response that require them to make | | | |inferences. |Students complete a prediction sheet as a| | | |formative assessment. Students share what| | | |they learned. | |Summarizing: Process of identifying and writing the main |Writing in journal as to how they think |Write a short summary of the material. | |ideas that unite ideas into a coherent whole. |the story will end or what will take place| | | |at a certain point in the material. |Read a passage from the material and | | | |write a summary. | | |Give an oral summary of their version of | | | |what take place. | | | | | | |Generate Question: The practice of asking what, when, |Students look at the title and write |Create a short answer for discussion | |where, why, what will happen, how and who question. |question as to what, when and where. |question. | | | | | | |Ask question before reading, during |Asks questions that would likely | | |reading and after reading. |encourage a response that is focused, | | |â€Å"Engage class in pre discussion Students |detailed and interesting. | | |will make predictions about the text by | | | |asking effective before reading questions |Rubric can be used to evaluate the | | |to improve reading comprehension† |quality of the questions created by the | | |((Teacher vision, n. d). |student. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Fluency: The ability to read text smoothly, accurately |Readers’ Theater |Running Records | |and with expression. |Students read |Retelling the main idea and supporting | | |aloud from a script |details, the sequence of events, | | |and bring the |characters, setting and plot. | | |characters and | | | |action to life. | | | | | | | |Tape assisted | | | |reading | | | |The students listen | | | |to a recording of a | | | |story or text and | | | |reads along. | | | | | | | |Partner Reading | | | |Read aloud with a | | | |partner and partner | | | |give feedback. | | |Word-Attack Strategies: Help students to decode, | |Read list of sight words and check for | |pronounce and understands unfamiliar words. |Sound Out the Word |pronunciation and decoding. Give students| | |Start with the first letter, |one minute to read list of words. | | |and say each letter- | | | |Sound out loud. | | | | | | | |Blend the sounds | | | |together and try to say |Look for base words and blend the | | |The word. |beginning or ending sounds to sound out | | | |words. | | |Look for Chunks in the Word | | | | | | | |Look for familiar letter chunks. They may | | | |be sound/symbols, prefixes, suffixes, | | | |endings, whole words, or base words. | | | | | | | |Read each chunk by | | | |Itself. Then blend the chunks together and| | | | | | | |Sound out the word. | | |Visualize: Students will learn to visualize the details|Analyze what they read. |Select a picture and relate the details | |of a text. They will use other sensory images like | |of the picture. | |dramatizing and drawing to help them better understand |Drawing during reading. | | |what they are reading. | | | | | | | Writing Strategies |Strategy |Activity |Assessment | |Prewriting: The stage where students begin the |Brainstorm ideas |Use a graphic organizer to plan writing. | |writing process by creating ideas for |Choose a topic | | |writing. |Plan and organize information | | | |Create an outline | | |Drafting: The stage where students put their |Write a draft |Put their ideas on paper | |ideas in writing. |Students put their ideas in writing and correct| | | |later. | | |Revising: Draft is reread and improvements are |Add information when needed |The teacher provides feedback according to the | |made. |Delete unnecessary information |rubric. | | |Organize paragraphs | | |Proofreading: Students read and make |Students reread their papers for errors. |The teacher provides feedback according to the | |corrections. | |rubric. | | |Partner up with another student and proofread | | | |each other paper using a red pen and circle | | | |errors. | | | | | | |Final Draft: Student final paper before |. |Consult teacher for feedback. | |publishing. Consult teacher for feedback. |Have another student read and one listen for | | | |main idea and supporting details. |Compare writing against writing rubric. | |Sequence: The order in which events happen. |Rewrite an event how they happen. | | |Writers help their reader understand what | |Students relate three things that happen at | |happens in story. | |school. List the events out of order. Have | | | |students write the events in order using first,| | | |next and last. | | | | | | | |Student writes a paragraph explaining their | | | |morning routines by using time-order words. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Publishing: Students share their writing with |Students design a book cover and create their |Make a final coy using best handwriting. | |others or the class. |own original book. Use text and pictures to | | | |establish their ideas. |Publish student’s paper by display it outside | | | |of the classroom for others to read. | Reference TeacherVision: http://www. teachervision. fen. com/lesson-plan/reading- comprehension/48697. html#ixzz1mGdBZfRx Tompkins, G. E. (2010). Literacy for the 21st Century: A Balance Approach. Fifth ed. Allyn & Bacon.